BATTLE BETWEEN ALAN KYEREMANTEN’S AFRAFRANTOR & ALHAJI BAWUMIA’S KUKRUDU
Hon Yaw Buaben Asamoa writes…
Re: ‘FORFEITURE OF MEMBERSHIP PURSUANT TO THE PROVISION OF ARTICLE 3(9)(1) OF THE NEW PATRIOTIC PARTY CONSTITUTION’
My attention and that of my esteemed and patriotically principled colleagues, Hopeson Adorye, Nana Ohene-Ntow and Saddique Abu-Bakar Boniface, has been drawn by numerous media outlets to a statement purportedly issued and signed by the General Secretary of the NPP, captioned as above.
Though none of the persons mentioned has received a personal copy, we accept our resignation from the NPP and pledge our commitment to Ghana’s success through our support for Alan Kyerematen. We also take this opportunity to respond and set the minds of concerned well-meaning patriots at ease.
First, our public conduct in unconditionally and with great conviction supporting the highflying independent candidature of Alan Kyerematen for president, is against the NPP constitution, which provides for automatic forfeiture of membership under article 3(9)(1). That is incontestable and therefore needs no formal written notice.
Unfortunately for the Party ‘Leadership’, the wholesale application of the poorly written article 3(9)(1), may not be serving the interests of the general membership of the Party well. By not differentiating between support for presidential and parliamentary candidates, conduct against a presidential candidate, results in forfeiture of the parliamentary vote as well. This is clearly out of step with the fast developing political culture of “skirt & blouse”, where voters increasingly mix their choice of presidential and parliamentary candidates based on factors other than what the party ‘Leadership’ says.
H.E. the President benefitted from ‘skirt and blouse’ when he won ten constituencies in the Central Region where NDC won the parliamentary seats. Are those who accepted the President but voted otherwise at parliamentary level to be sacked?
Hundreds of thousands of NPP members and millions of sympathisers are deeply unhappy at the so called ‘mafia’ tactics of intimidation and inducement used to skew delegate elections in favour of choices that may not necessarily be popular with the general electorate. Indeed, the ‘mafia’ approach is against article 55(5) of the 1992 Constitution, which demands democratic principles in internal party processes. Whilst there is value to being part of an ‘organisation’ like a ‘party’, continuing exclusionary practices, quietly erodes loyalty and conviction, over time.
Secondly, the same article 55(2) which gives a right to join political parties also gives a right to support political activity as an independent under 55(10) and (16). Considering that the right of a political party to sponsor candidates, does not exclude the right of independent candidates nor their supporters to participate in general elections, it may not be prudent to continue to reduce ones’ membership with archaic rules.
Thirdly, in the profound wisdom of the 1992 Constitution, qualification to the presidency of Ghana does not require political party affiliation. Articles 57(1), 58, 62 and 63(1)(2)(3) and 94, dealing with the nature, qualification and powers of the office, have nothing to do with parties. Furthermore, exercising the powers of the presidency do not require party authority. In office, a president appoints and runs a government under articles 70, 76, 77, 78(1)(2) and 79, without a stated party presence. A voter does not have to be a member of a party to benefit from the presidency.
Fourthly, the public is keenly aware that the selection of H.E the Vice President, Alhaji Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia as Presidential Candidate of the NPP, was the confirmation of a process carefully designed to have only one outcome. Because it was choreographed, there is nothing new or surprising to offer the voter public. Arguably, the patient Ghanaian voter, has been short-changed by the presidential candidate selection processes of both the NPP and NDC. The lack of genuine choice of candidates at party level, translates into a loss of trust in duopoly politics and increasing apathy, hence the loud chorus for a credible third force leadership if democratic practice is to be sustained for the benefit of youthful voters.
That is why a bold and viable candidate like Alan Kyerematen, meets the need of the times. I and my friends Hopeson Adorye, Nana Ohene-Ntow and Saddique Abu-Bakar Boniface, in our support for Alan Kyerematen, a man of vision, competence, integrity and action, represent millions of Ghanaians who want to serve the country with a clear conscience. We are upholding the preamble to the Constitution, articles 1, 3(2), 17(1)(2)(3), 21(1)(3), 35(1)(4)(5)(9), 37(2)(a) and above all, article 41.
Finally, the 1992 Constitution recognises ‘coalition’ governments. A coalition is defined by the oxford dictionary as “a temporary alliance for combined action, especially of political parties forming a government”. Alan Kyerematen wants to bring Ghanaians together in the next election, in a Government of National Unity, to think Ghana, and redirect Ghana onto a positive trajectory.
Nowhere in our constitution is it specified that Parliament is bi-cameral or that only a majority and minority can operate in Parliament. It is a fiction sold by the Standing Orders. Article 97(2) states unequivocally that a member need not lose their seat under 97(1)(g) and (h), if their party is a member of a coalition government. Article 103(5) admonishes that committees of Parliament ought to “reflect the different shades of opinion in Parliament”. Article 104 talks about a majority of members present and voting. It does not refer to a majority party.
Ghana is ready for a political third force capable of breaking unproductive duopoly politics. We do not need a change of constitution to effect the change of leadership that the parties are incapable of offering. We have Alan Kyerematen. Together, our support for his independent presidency will unleash the development energy being suppressed by tit for tat duopoly politics.
